Obama and The Black Civil War

With any cultural revolution, there comes a period of upheaval.
It’s as necessary as the forest fire that devours acres of dried timber to provide the space and nutrients for the next generation of saplings.
The lightning rod standing in this storm of change is democratic presidential candidate Sen. Barack Obama, D-Ill. His campaign calls to young voters in astounding numbers, some of whom previously had felt disillusioned, disappointed and often excluded from the political process. Although their parents had fought for inclusion, many of today’s educated youth see too many flaws in the political system and find themselves looking through, and subsequently down on the false promises offered their parents as forms of placation.
To the youth, or the so-called Hip hop generation, Obama represents a shift in the paradigm. He is an anomaly, something that wasn’t supposed to happen. He’s young, black, the son of a single mother, an admitted former drug user – hard drugs at that – and his full name is Barack Hussein Obama. He has stoked the ire of democrats and republicans alike. He has been called a novice, he has been told he wasn’t ready, and he has been told to wait. For all intents and purposes, he should not exist, but does. Obama represents change. Unfortunately, no such change occurs without conflict.

End of Civil Rights Era
There are those who aren’t as open to Obama’s rise to political relevance. And ironically, his most boisterous opposition comes, not only from his political opponent, Sen. Hillary Clinton, D-N.Y., but from his own cultural backyard. Many civil rights leaders are also voicing their wariness of an Obama presidency, for reasons that appear more political than anything else.
According to William Jelani Cobb’s Washington Post editorial, “The most amazing thing about the 2008 presidential race is not that a black man is a bona fide contender, but the lukewarm response he has received from the luminaries whose sacrifices made this run possible. With the notable exception of Joseph Lowry, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference veteran who gave a stirring invocation at Obama’s Atlanta campaign rally in June and subsequently endorsed him, Obama has been running without much support from many of the most recognizable black figures in the political landscape1.”
Cobbs argues that because of Obama’s age, in between the boomers and the Hip hop generation, Obama “is indebted, but not beholden, to the civil rights gerontocracy.” In fact, he argues, a successful candidacy could herald “the death knell for the reign of the civil rights-era leadership—or at least the illusion of their influence.”
This sentiment seems to have been prophetic with the recent turnout of young, black voters rushing to the polls to support Obama in South Carolina, Washington, D.C., Virginia and Maryland. This is in spite of the support many civil rights leaders have given Clinton and her campaign.
It is possible the youth want change, not only in their politics, but in their approach to social activism. The old image of the marching, religiously conservative leaders who jump at the first instance of a racial infraction, no matter how trivial, is wearing thin. Recent incidents, such as the Duke Lacrosse team rape case and the feeble attempt to “ban” the n-word have served to turn off the youth who, in the age of Hip hop aggression, look to more progressive means of problem solving, as opposed to the reactionary methods of the past.
This is all to the chagrin of leaders like the Rev. Jesse Jackson who openly criticized Obama for not addressing the “Jena Six” controversy in a way Jackson felt appropriate. But signs that Obama is a different type of political figure than what the past has produced are shown in how he deals with such hot-button topics. Obama is running to be a president who is black, rather than a black president. Based on voter turnout, the youth seem to appreciate this.
If an Obama nomination spells the end of their era, it is understandable why many civil rights figures who side with Clinton would be so quick to attack his campaign. Aside from the obvious political connections that are to be gained, the move may be one of simple survival.
“Divisive” Attacks
The cultural rift between the Obama’s youth “movement” and the civil-rights era was inevitable. What wasn’t as predictable was how malicious and divisive the attacks in this battle would be.

Robert Johnson, Black Entertainment Television founder, infamously attacked Obama’s drug use as a youth, during a Clinton rally. Initially explaining away the incident as a misinterpretation, Johnson later recanted his comments and apologized2. Similarly, civil rights activist and former U.S. congressman, Andrew Young indirectly questioned Obama’s blackness during an appearance on “Newsmakers Live,” an urban media forum that interviews prominent Atlanta personalities. Young noted that “Bill [Clinton] is every bit as black as Barack.” Later he added, “He’s probably gone with more black women than Barack,” before finishing with the disclaimer, “I’m clowning.”
Both Johnson and Young endorse Clinton, a political friend whom they have come to depend on and know. Both argue that above all, Obama is too inexperienced and, of course, too young to correctly serve as president. It wouldn’t be long before the youth answered, with Hip hop taking a new media approach to show their support of Obama.
Will I.Am of the Black Eyed Peas, along with such Hip hop notables as Common, neo-soul singer John Legend, as well as others filmed a video titled “Yes, We Can” with lyrics written around quotes from Sen. Obama’s concession speech in the New Hampshire primary. The video has gone viral and currently has amassed nearly 5 million views.
In addition, several emcees have name-dropped Obama in their songs. The aforementioned Chicago-based lyricist Common mentioned the senator in his song “The People” saying, “My raps ignite the people like Obama.” In the same vein, in Brooklyn-bred rhymer Talib Kweli’s “Say Something,” he claims to “Speak to the people like Barack Obama.” Both artists when interviewed by CNN took the opportunity to further weigh in on other criticisms of Obama. When asked if he thought Obama was “black enough,” Kweli called it a “horrible question” that only served to “divide” people3.
Hip Hop Fights Back
Regardless of the discord arising from conflicting political affiliations, inter-generational tension has been building for years in the black community. More than just the traditional disagreements between age groups, increasingly, these disputes are being played out on the national stage. This is especially true in the last 10 years as the youth generated culture of Hip hop has become more influential, financially and culturally.
As a result of the “civil rights gerontocracy” siding with Clinton, it’s little surprise to who the Hip hop generation would eventually pledge its collective allegiance. The Rev. Al Sharpton notably, has pretty much burned many of his bridges with the black youth in recent years with his anti-Hip hop movement towards large-scale censorship.
Unlike Obama, who in his recent Vibe interview has differentiated his criticisms of the culture between the “powerful” hip hop he admires and the “junk” that endorses materialism and hedonism4, Sharpton and the Rev. Jesse Jackson have taken to neatly generalizing the entire culture into one pot of Niggerdom.
Both have shown disapproval, not only of “gangsta rap,” but of Hip hop’s more politically and socially outspoken artists as well. For example, in 2002, black movie director Tim Story’s blunt and frank “Barbershop,” which contained unabashed criticisms of civil-rights leaders, was protested by both Sharpton and Jackson. Similarly, when political satirist Aaron McGruder’s Boondocks cartoon aired its “Return of the King” episode in 2006, it was immediately met with opposition. Sharpton demanded an apology from McGruder and the Cartoon Network after airing the show, which depicted Martin Luther King Jr., using the word “nigga.”
In 2007, Jackson brought similar heat to Washington, D.C., poet, educator and social activist Bomani “D’Mite” Armah for his B.E.T. fueled song and video “Read A Book.” Although the song was billed as a satire, using crunk music to stress the importance of reading, Jackson called the song “scornful” and “insulting.” In his statement released to the press, Jackson advised Bomani to “take his own advice, i.e. Read a Book5.”
Whether good or bad, gangsta or socially progressive, Sharpton, Jackson and the rest of the “Old Guard” have dubbed themselves the gate keepers of all things Negro. If there is a message to be made, a march to organize, or issue to address, their actions seem to be suggesting they wish to be approached first, as a prerequisite, for approval.
Apparently, the Hip hop generation has gotten a bit sick of it.

Rather than condescendingly spewing admonishments, Obama has tried to reach out to the Hip hop community, or to at least be more personable. In 2006, while still contemplating a run for office, Obama had a private meeting with rapper Ludacris about “empowering the youth.” Obama welcomed the meeting, even though it was a move that didn’t immediately draw positive responses, due to the Ludacris’ penchant for misogynistic subject matter in his music. This type of low-profile, unselfish show of respect goes a long way to gain the trust of a community that recently has had to defend itself from all sides.
Is there any wonder why in the 2008 race for delegates, Obama has controlled both young and black voters? In Wisconsin’s primary, Obama carried the youth vote with 70 percent of young people voting his way, according to CNN exit polls. Conversely, only 26 percent of the vote went to Clinton. Following the so-called “Potomac Primaries,” the Baltimore Sun noted how Obama’s ability to draw young and black voters has “reshaped Maryland’s Democratic Party6.”
The youth’s unexpected involvement and astounding numbers at the polls have served as a sudden wake-up call. Many seasoned black leaders who have historically aligned themselves with the Clintons are no-doubt infuriated by Obama’s out-of-nowhere appeal. Understandably, many had hitched to the Clinton bandwagon with the assumptions she would be the democratic nominee and a powerful political ally. Now those assumptions may just fall short.
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1 http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/02/18/AR2008021802364.html?hpid=topnews
2 http://blogs.usatoday.com/onpolitics/2008/01/robert-johnson.html
3 http://www.cnn.com/2007/POLITICS/08/17/obama.hip.hop/index.html
4 http://www.vibe.com/obama/2007/08/obama_transcript/
5 http://www.rainbowpush.org/FMPro?-db=rpodata.fp5&-format=rainbowpush%2fdata06%2fdetailpress.htm&-lay=main&-sortfield=date&-sortorder=descend&category=press&year=2007&-max=20&-recid=33728&-find=
6 http://www.baltimoresun.com/news/nation/bal-te.analysis14feb14,0,6698624.story
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Comments
You mention prominent Blacks who wondered aloud “Is Obama really black,” referring to his mixed white and Kenyan ancestry. Public reaction to that question ranged from affirmation to derision, but I think it indicates a gulf in our understanding of what it means to be black, white, hispanic, etc. It’s a more serious question than people have been willing to publicly admit.
African Americans who are the descendants of slaves brought to the USA form a distinct cultural group. If you’re the descendent of Kenyan immigrants to the USA , you don’t necessarily understand or belong to that culture – culture and skin color are not the same thing. In that sense it’s a fairer question than it may at first seem. It’s just that the motivations of those asking the question were to discredit Obama’s “blackness” for political gain.
Of course in the USA , in some ways culture is defined by race – if you look black, then the racists will treat you as black. I have a dark-skinned friend from Southern India who can attest to this. And I have met light-skinned African Americans who spoke of being treated as “not really black” by other African Americans.
We need to start looking at our distinct cultures in the USA as defined by what people do, think and feel and not by what color they are. No one should consider it unusual for an American of Chinese ancestry who grows up in a prominently white part of the USA to largely assimilate to the culture around him and talk like a white person. By that same token, it should not be considered unusual for the same Chinese or (white) kid that grows up in a predominantly African American area should assimilate largely to African American culture. I have friends from San Jose who blur these lines of culture and race, who are simply impossible to pigeon-hole.
The older generation and even many of the young have big problems with this because their sense of identity is still tightly bound to race. You can’t blame them because that’s what we’ve had (sometimes literally) beaten into our heads for generations. But like it or not, we’re all going to be the same color eventually. Being racially mixed is rapidly becoming the rule and not the exception for younger generations as the stigma of racially mixed marriages is quickly disappearing. If you want to see what America will look like in 100 years, go to Brazil, the ultimate melting-pot, where the taboo of mixed marraiges broke down long ago. If we want to preserve those differences between all of our various cultural groups in the USA that make our country so rich, diverse and interesting, we’re going to have to do it in a way that looks beyond skin color.
We’re living in interesting times.
AMERICA IS RACIS COUNTRY
AMERICA IS THE RACISTS , NIGGA CAN NOT BE PRESIDENT
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